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Western Carolinian Volume 44 Number 30

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  • APRIL 26, 1979/THE WESTERN CAROLINIAN/PAGE 11 ere part of the system1 •Photo by Lewis Greene "The siren came on and Huey pulled over. The policeman was mad, very mad. He asked for Huey's driver license, a common practice. Instead of rolling his glass down all the way, Huey merely cracked his window and slid his license out. Huey loved to test the law. "The policeman went berserk. He jerked the door open and dived across the front seat reaching for our shotgun. Huey managed to knee him in the stomach and shoved him out into the street. I jumped out of the car and cocked my .45 caliber pistol. Huey had jacked a magazine into the chamber of the shotgun and pumped it ready to fire at the policeman who was reeling backwards. Huey was shouting at the policeman and telling him that he had no legal right to enter his car and attempt to remove his personal property. "The policeman was in a daze. By this time the local black residents had gathered to see what was happening. The policeman started yelling, 'The niggers got guns, the niggers got guns!' little realizing he was in a black neighborhood. Students from Merritt College, less than a block away, had just gotten out of their 9:30 classes and joined the crowd. The policeman continued to yell, 'The niggers got guns, the niggers got guns...' "Somehow the policeman managed to radio for help and soon about 12 or 13 police cars were on the scene. If we hadn't had all the brothers and sisters around, we would have probably been mowed down. Instead, the D.A. was running around trying to find something to nail us on. The D.A. kept yelling at the policeman who pulled us over, asking him why he had stopped us. Finally the D.A. found that the car's license plate was being held on by a coat hanger, which was against the law, and we got a ticket." After working with the Community Alert Patrol for a few months, Seale and Newton drew up a ten point plan establishing the basis for the Black Panther Party, a political party and movement. The gun and military regalia were adopted as the party's symbols. "We began the Black Panther Party for self-defense against police brutality. We knew what institutionalized racism meant and wanted to use direct action tactics against racism," said Seale. "Huey and I saw peaceful demonstrators in Alabama on TV charged into by police on horses. It jolted Huey and me. People exercising their rights being trodden on," said Seale. Seale justified the gun-toting techniques of the Black Panthers. ' 'We brought along equality (guns)1—crude equality—but equality. We fought overt fascist racism." "Racism existed behind the gun and badge. It was institutionalized and affected everyone." The Black Panther Party was involved in a number of other projects when Seale was chairman of the party: Breakfast for School Children; Senior Citizens Free Busing; Preventative Medical Health Care; Cooperative Housing; National Committees to •Fhoto by Lewis ureene Combat Fascism; Peoples Free Food Program; and mass voter registration drives. In 1973, Seale ran for mayor of Oakland, collecting more votes than had any other previous minority candidate. But by running for mayor, Seale received harsh criticism from liberals who believed he was "giving up the cause and working in the system." For his criticism, Seale had a ready reply. "One dude came up to me and asked me why I had copped out and began to work in the system. He was toking on a joint and told me that he had dropped out of the system. 1 told him he was crazy, no one is out of the system. "If you don't believe me, I said, then go down to Cape Kennedy, hijack a rocket to the moon and see if Nixon doesn't send some troops up to bring you back. "It's the politicians who establish what the 'system' is. If you have different plans or ideas then you will be accused of being out of the system." Seale resigned from the Black Panther Party in July of 1974. "I told Huey months before I resigned about what I was going to do. I told him that we had captured the imagination of the people and had accomplished what we were going to accomplish through the party. It was time to go out in different directions. Besides, the party's membership had dwindled from 10,000 to less than 200." Since his resignation, Seale has spent his time writing, lecturing and forming a ne» organization—Advocates Scene. Seale's autobiography, "A Lonely Rage," was published in January, 1978 and is now available in paperback form. He is director ot Advocates Scene which he describes as "a militant, unorthodox lobby for long-range economic growth.'' When the topic of Eldridge Cleaver's "born again" experience came up, Seale had an opinion ready to deliver. "At first I didn't doubt his born again experience. He may be half-way sincere, but I know that Eldridge is a pretty sharp guy. By being borr again, he may be able to beat his rap in court. "I'm not a born again Christian. Jesus Christ has been a revolutionary from Jumr Street. I can identify with Jesus taking a whip to the tax collectors," added Seale. At this point in the conversation, we arrived at WCU. We whisked Seale away to a 2 p.m. meeting with students from SAGLA, Amnesty International and the Nortt Carolina Student Legislature. From there, Seale was interviewed for TV and left to eai with black students off-campus. He returned and gave a talk entitled "Perspectives or Black Liberation" to approximately 90 people at 7:30 p.m. I didn't take Seale back to the airport, another person did. But I learned a great dea from the short time I spent with Seale. 1 didn't agree with many of his political viewj but I was impressed by his candid statements and his commitment to change. His charismatic appeal of the 1960's is still strong today. He knows how to strike just tin right pose at just the most opportune time for the benefit of TV. Seale is still i revolutionary, but a more mature revolutionary who has changed and grown with tht times.
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